На семинаре лаборатории Т.А. Филиппова рассказала об «амбивалентных предлогах и "зависании" предлога в русском»
Т.А. Филиппова: The phenomenon of preposition-stranding (P-stranding) is typologically rare. Nevertheless, many languages exhibit phenomena that look like P-stranding (Kaiser 2012, Poplack, Zentz, Dion 2012, Roberge 2012, on orphan prepositions in French; Campos 1991 on object-less prepositions in Spanish) or involve P-stranding under common theorizing (McCloskey 1986; Szczegielniak 2008, Stjepanović 2008, 2012, Rodrigues, Nevins and Vicente 2009; Sato 2013; Nicolae 2012; Nykiel 2013; Philippova 2014 on elliptical phenomena). These studies as well as Abels (2003) argue that these are not instances of actual stranding and provide alternative treatments of the data. I address a group of Russian prepositions (including наперекор, назло, навстречу, в(о)след, вдогонку, взамен) that can be postposed to their complement and exhibit apparent stranding (Podobryaev 2009). I propose that they are not prepositions (P-heads), but P-N combinations, essentially PPs. What looks like their complement is, in turn, a dative nominal adjunct, akin to an external possessor found in several syntactic environments in Russian, including ‘the possessive PP complex’ of Matushansky (to appear), Matushansky et al. (to appear). This analysis captures the full range of their idiosyncrasies: a) the ‘mobility’ and optionality of their notional complement; b) obligatory dative case marking on the ‘complement’; c) ungrammaticality of the adprepositional forms of 3rd person pronouns (нему, ней, ним) in the complement. The observed P-stranding indeed turns out to be only apparent.
ho_amvbivalent_adp_tf (PDF, 293 Кб)